Justice Scalia on the Constitution, abortion, and assisted suicide
By Paul StarkU.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who passed away Saturday, believed that the role of the Court is to faithfully interpret and apply the law as it actually is—not as the Court wants it to be. Making law and policy is the job of the elected branches of government. Judges should not be legislators.
That’s why Scalia took the position he did on abortion and the Constitution. The Constitution simply does not require, as the Court mistakenly ruled in Roe v. Wade (1973), a nationwide policy of abortion on demand. In his dissenting opinion in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992), which upheld the “central holding” of Roe, Scalia explained:
The issue is whether [abortion]
is a liberty protected by the Constitution of the United States. I am
sure it is not. I reach that conclusion … for the same reason I reach
the conclusion that bigamy is not constitutionally protected—because of
two simple facts: (1) the Constitution says absolutely nothing about it,
and (2) the long-standing traditions of American society have permitted
it to be legally proscribed.
Therefore, Scalia concluded,“The permissibility of abortion, and the limitations upon it, are to be resolved like most important questions in our democracy: by citizens trying to persuade one another and then voting.”
Dissenting in Stenberg v. Carhart (2000), which struck down a state law banning partial-birth abortion, Scalia wrote:
The notion that the Constitution
of the United States, designed, among other things, “to establish
Justice, insure domestic Tranquility … and secure the Blessings of
Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity,” prohibits the States from
simply banning this visibly brutal means of eliminating our half-born
posterity is quite simply absurd.
One will search in vain the
document we are supposed to be construing for text that provides the
basis for the argument over these distinctions; and will find in our
society’s tradition regarding abortion no hint that the distinctions are
constitutionally relevant, much less any indication how a
constitutional argument about them ought to be resolved. The random and
unpredictable results of our consequently unchanneled individual views
make it increasingly evident, Term after Term, that the tools for this
job are not to be found in the lawyer’s—and hence not in the
judge’s—workbox. I continue to dissent from this enterprise of devising
an Abortion Code, and from the illusion that we have authority to do so.
American law has always accorded
the State the power to prevent, by force if necessary, suicide … [T]he
point at which life becomes “worthless,” and the point at which the
means necessary to preserve it become “extraordinary” or
“inappropriate,” are neither set forth in the Constitution nor known to
the nine Justices of this Court any better than they are known to nine
people picked at random from the Kansas City telephone directory.
Unless we are to repudiate a long
and well-established principle of our jurisprudence, using the federal
commerce power to prevent assisted suicide is unquestionably
permissible. … If the term “legitimate medical purpose” has any meaning,
it surely excludes the prescription of drugs to produce death.
To prevent that from happening—and to reverse Roe, allowing for greater protection for unborn children and their mothers—we desperately need more Supreme Court justices like Antonin Scalia.
Editor’s note. Paul Stark is Communications Associate for Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life, NRLC’s state affiliate.
Source: NRLC News
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