In
 addition to dedicated pro-lifers and dyed-in-the-wool abortion 
advocates, the abortion debate is full of people who want to have it 
both ways—they want to distance themselves from the moral discomfort of 
abortion more stridently than “I’m personally opposed, but…” yet they 
don’t want to commit themselves to fighting its advocates or outright 
prohibition. On a number of occasions in my own life, I’ve met people 
whose politics are quite dogmatic in most respects but go out of their 
way to stress they dislike abortion—while still content to do nothing 
about it.
At the Harvard Law Record, Colin Ross 
attempts to stake out
 a more sophisticated middle ground, curiously declaring abortion “the 
moral wrong we must not ban.” He calls abortion a “monstrous problem,” 
both because of “the lives it may take” and “because it pits two 
bitterly opposed camps against each other, in a seemingly 
ever-escalating war, in which both sides are largely right about the 
goals and principles they hold most dear.”
Has Mr. Ross managed to square a circle so many before him have tried to and failed? Let’s find out.
First, he attempts to show “room for 
serious doubt that, in the moment after fertilization, a member of the 
human family has been created.” But his examples aren’t nearly as 
serious as advertised:
That same fertilized embryo could yet split into two to produce twins. Did a person just die and two more take up residence?
Perhaps, or 
perhaps
 the original survived and reproduced asexually in some way. We may not 
know the answer, but it doesn’t follow that it wasn’t a person 
beforehand. As 
others have pointed out,
 cutting a flatworm in half and the parts becoming two flatworms doesn’t
 mean what you started out with wasn’t a flatworm. What matters is that 
all the criteria
 by which science defines a living human organism—species, growth, 
reproduction, metabolism, response to stimuli, genetic composition—are 
all satisfied as early as the zygote stage.
A huge number—as many as 80%—of all 
embryos die when they are just days old, before they can even be 
implanted in the uterus. As one commentator has asked, “Is Heaven 
Populated Chiefly by the Souls of Embryos?”
This is a sheer fallacy. How does a group’s high rate of 
naturally-occurring death have any bearing on what they are? A human 
being who lives only briefly is still a human being. This is utterly 
irrelevant to the factual question of what the preborn are, and 
irrelevant to the moral question—someone’s likelihood of dying naturally
 is not a justification for deliberately killing him or her.

Fortunately, Ross sees that the baby’s personhood soon becomes much 
clearer as he or she develops, and even has a grim reminder for 
pro-aborts who deny it: what if the “benefits” you say women derive from
 abortion “are built upon millions of dead human persons”? But then he 
chastises “the pro-life movement [for] fasten[ing] blinders to itself is
 in thinking that this moral answer morally necessitates a blanket 
abortion ban”:
Before Roe, abortions were still 
pervasive in the United States. For decades, hundreds of thousands of 
fetuses were aborted every year. Added to this toll over the years were 
the thousands of women who died in dangerous abortions. Illegality makes
 things dangerous.
Judging by how many support upholding abortion based on this 
falsehood, I’d say historical revisionism makes things even more 
dangerous. Live Action regulars 
know that even before 
Roe,
 Planned Parenthood officials admitted that illegal abortion numbers 
were vastly smaller than PP’s modern scaremongering, that the vast 
majority of illegal abortions were performed by licensed physicians in 
good medical standing, and that the sharp drop in illegal abortion 
deaths was thanks to chemotherapy and antibiotics, not legalization.
The prosecution of doctors means that 
most competent doctors flee the field. Without competent doctors to 
perform abortions, women turn to the only ones left: the incompetent and
 the unlicensed. Crack down harder and deter even those and women will 
turn to dangerous self-help. The bottom line: ban all abortion and women
 will die.
Couple things: (1) the “most competent doctors” 
aren’t as competent—or ethical—as advertised; (2) the worse abortionists are enabled by abortion industry’s own watchdogs 
choosing to let them run wild; (3) the “dangerous self-help” argument’s primary evidence 
has been debunked.
Around the world today, tens of thousands
 of women die each year from unsafe abortions. Those deaths would drop 
drastically and rapidly if abortion were made legal, and they have done 
so in countries that have done so […] Economic security, not abortion 
prohibition, is the best predictor of low abortion rates. Cultural and 
moral norms, and access to and education about effective birth control, 
also play large roles. But it is not at all clear that laws do.
Live Action has also 
looked into these claims,
 finding that “unsafe” abortions have more to do with the medical and 
health standards in different countries than abortion laws, and 
identifying clear abortion declines in countries like Poland and Ireland
 that contradict Ross’s narrative. The New York Times’ Ross Douthat has 
pointed out
 that such claims typically fail to compare regions that have enough 
similar variables to make a reasonable inference; they also ignore that 
many of the countries 
regulate abortion more tightly than the US does. And Patheos blogger Marc Barnes has 
extensively shown that pro-life laws in this country are effective in decreasing abortions. (And all that is before getting into 
the evidence that even abortions performed carefully and professionally are physically and mentally dangerous for women.)
The pro-life policy path forward is to 
continue to expand the reach of affordable contraception to all through 
access and education. The biggest benefit that this approach has over 
prohibition: it works.

As evidence, Ross cites… a Colorado study that we 
debunked here, along with the broader meme that contraception is a magic bullet. To summarize, contraception is 
plentiful and affordable
 enough that it’s already preventing virtually all the pregnancies it 
can be reasonably expected to, and so pouring more into the country 
merely encourages more of the behavior that causes unwanted pregnancy in
 the first place.
He also finds it “positively mind-boggling,” “says this Catholic,” 
that pro-lifers oppose forcing religious entities to provide 
contraceptives. Free exercise of religious conscience is now 
inconceivable? Really?
Ross’s final bit of advice:
Don’t hold the March for Life at the 
Supreme Court. Hold it at adoption centers and foster homes across the 
country. Demonstrate with action that every child will have a welcome 
place, even if the mother cannot care for him or her. Volunteer time. 
Pledge to be a foster parent. Pledge to adopt. Pledge to support those 
who do.
I suppose it’s appropriate to close this out on the most clichéd straw men of all. Is he unaware that pro-lifers 
already do all of this all the time? Does he have any reason to believe 
we aren’t already adopting?
While Colin Ross makes more concessions to reality than the average 
pro-choice apologia, none of them matter in the end. The conclusion is 
still the same as if it came from any number of abortion activists: 
pro-lifers need to abandon the core of their policy agenda (evidence be 
damned); pro-aborts at most need to tweak their rhetoric a bit.
So beware any self-styled voices of reason pushing for this sort of 
middle ground. When one side has to move and the other doesn’t, the 
middle is not where they end up.
Source: LiveAction News